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Erie Canal, New York, 1829


Facilities of the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey, 2003
Detailed PDF Map


Distribution of General Cargo Operations, Port of New York, 1959, 1987 and 2000


Main Container Ports of the American East Coast, 1985-2005


Cargo Handled by the Port of New York, 1991-2005


Container Traffic Handled by the Port of New York, 1991-2005


Financial Profile of the New York – New Jersey Port Authority, 2002


Port Inland Distribution Network of the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey
(Detailed PDF map)


Expressrail Lifts, 1991-2005


Chapter 4 - Applications (PowerPoint)

The Port Authority of New York and New Jersey

Author : Dr. Jean-Paul Rodrigue

1. Regional Setting

The role of New York as one of the world’s true global cities and the main gateway of the Eastern Seaboard of North America is widely acknowledged. This role, which emerged at the beginning of the 19th century, was mainly the consequence of the advantages of its port location. New York’s hinterland includes the resource-rich regions of America’s heartland, accessed through the Erie Canal that opened between 1821 and 1825. The canal linked New York to Albany to Buffalo and initiated a new era of growth for inland freight transportation. At that time, New York was only the fifth largest American seaport, behind Boston, Baltimore, Philadelphia and New Orleans. By 1850, New York evolved to become the most active port in the United States, as well as its primate city handling a maritime traffic greater than Boston, Baltimore and New Orleans combined. The later part of the 19th century focused on rail infrastructure developments, undermining the importance of the canal system, but confirming the function of New York as a hub of the national transport system. The growth of port activities went on par with the consolidation of foreign trade, wholesaling, financial, shipbuilding and industrial activities as well as making New York the immigration gateway of North America. Since the New York harbor and the lower Hudson river are the boundary between the states of New York and New Jersey, port development occurred under different jurisdictions.

This process led to conflicts between the two states concerning the usage and jurisdiction of harbor facilities along the Hudson River, which by the early 20th century have become increasingly difficult to manage. In 1917, as the United States entered the First World War, an interstate conflict arose over the issue of rail freight rates. Most of the rail lanes coming from the west ended on the New Jersey side of the harbor while most ocean shipping was calling from Manhattan and Brooklyn. Freight had to be transferred on barges across the Hudson, exacerbating delays and congestion in the harbor. New Jersey petitioned the Interstate Commerce Commission to lower rail freight rates on its side of the Hudson in order to attract more port calls, but was overruled on the ground that the whole region was one functioning harbor. This was the stepping stone that led to the creation of the port authority, modeled after London’s. The Port of New York Authority was founded in 1921 to settle these disputes, which makes it a unique governance case as it spans two powerful states.

Until the 1960s, port activities expanded as New York and the eastern seaboard became of one the world’s major industrial regions. This situation has however changed and New York has intensively de-industrialized since then, implying that its export function has decreased. After a period of relative stagnation, which roughly lasted from the 1970s to the late 1980s, the metropolitan area undertook an unprecedented phase of economic growth in the mid 1990s, with growing local consumption. About 80% of the new employment is service-related, underlining a dependency on external markets to supply commodities and raw materials. New York spurred a new wave of development increasingly leaning on activities global in scale, such as finance and banking, international investments, information technologies, and marketing and media activities. This situation has incited inbound cargo demands for port activities, notably containerized cargo.

2. Port Evolution and Infrastructure Developments

To service the needs of the regional economy, the PANYNJ has undertaken since its inception the development of many projects, each linked with the perceived priority of the time. The most noteworthy achievements of the port authority in its early years (1920s - 1930s) were not the development of port terminals, but the construction or the take over of a succession of bridges and tunnels linking the two states, an urgent need on which both sides of the Hudson agreed. Goethals Bridge and Outerbridge Crossing were the firsts constructed (1928), followed by George Washington and Bayonne bridges (1931). These projects were completed before time and below estimated costs, which boosted the reputation of the PANYNJ as an efficient legal and administrative body. The PANYNJ also received the jurisdiction of the Holland tunnel in 1930 (completed in 1927) and opened the Lincoln tunnel in 1937, both of which were directly servicing high density Manhattan midtown and downtown areas. The issue of connectivity between New York and New Jersey was thus addressed, by road if not by rail.

The post World War II era marked tremendous technological and spatial changes for transport activities in New York, mainly with the development of air transport terminals, which jurisdiction the PANYNJ inherited. By 1948, the PANYNJ was responsible for New York’s three major airports, Newark, La Guardia and John F. Kennedy. These it began to transform into world class terminals. A major shift was also in the making for maritime transportation. Most port terminals were relocated from the general cargo wharves of Manhattan, Brooklyn, Hoboken and Jersey City to specialized and more spacious terminals at Port Elizabeth, Newark, Red Hook and Howland Hook. By the early 1980s, almost all maritime cargo transshipment in Manhattan has ceased and traffic was dominantly handled in New Jersey and Staten Island, a complete reversal in the port’s geography of freight. Most, if not all, port activities were thus disconnected from the traditional urban core and relocated towards peripheral settings having higher accessibility to rail and interstate road infrastructures. The first dedicated container terminal in the world, the Elizabeth-Port Authority Marine Terminal, opened in 1962.

The 1950s and 1960s saw a commitment to public transit with the opening of the Port Authority Bus Terminal (1950), the Port Authority Trans Hudson railway (PATH, 1962) and the George Washington Bridge Bus Terminal (1963). As New York, like all American cities, was suburbanizing, a growing demand for passenger movements between both sides of the Hudson was being felt. The PANYNJ deemed it had the responsibility to help accommodate this increase in interstate interactions. This focus also reflected a shift in priority in American land transportation development with the funding of regional and national highway systems, which accelerated in the 1950s with the construction of the Interstate system. In the 1970s and 1980s, as New York’s economy was compromised by de-industrialization and the flight of head offices of major corporations, the PANYNJ became more specifically involved in regional economic development with the construction of the World Trade Center (1970), the setting of industrial and telecommunication parks and of a power plant (1990).

Containerization has been another dominant paradigm shift of maritime transportation over the last 30 years and has triggered a phase of port restructuring. On this issue, the PANYNJ has a tradition of innovation and adaptation, since the first containership called from New York in 1956 and the first specialized container terminal was constructed at Port Elizabeth, New Jersey in 1962. By the 1970s, New York was the largest container port in the world, handling just under 1 million TEUs in 1975, 1.9 million in 1980 and 2.3 million in 1985. From this peak, a period of stagnation and relative decline endured as New York was handling roughly the same amount of containerized traffic in the early 1990s (1.8 million TEUs) as it did in the early 1980s. While the decline of the port of New York during that period can be attributed to international trade changes, which are factors outside local control, local factors such as inadequate intermodal rail access and high labor costs, played significantly in its demise.

Meanwhile, Pacific Asian container ports boomed and topped New York. These included Hong Kong (surpassed New York in 1986), Singapore (1987), Kaohsiung (1986) and Pusan (1989). Similar growth and surpassing of New York occurred at the Pacific Coast ports such as Los Angeles (1989) and Long Beach (1993). Even if containerization resulted in significant productivity gains, these gains were not uniformly achieved. Newer container handling facilities had an advantage in terms of the quality of their infrastructures as well as room for development. It is worth noting that most of these ports, especially Hong Kong and Singapore, are transshipment ports deriving the bulk of their activities from their intermediate functions. While intermediate ports are more linked to business cycles of the global economy, a port such as New York is more linked to the cycles of its regional economy. Nevertheless, from the mid 1990s containerized traffic boomed, more than doubling between 1995 and 2005.

The early 21st century indicates a phase of focus on improving the efficiency of the port hinterland and regional distribution. For instance, the PANYNJ has addressed the problem of connectivity between its two main airports and Manhattan, which could only be reached by road transportation. AirTrain services connecting the Newark airport with regional rail transit opened in late 2001 and another service between JFK and rail accesses to Manhattan opened in 2003. Another important regional strategy is the development of a Port Inland Distribution Network where the port authority is seeking to develop inland container distribution centers, namely through barge ports and rail terminals.

3. Facilities of the Port Authority

The PANYNJ concerns a region of about 1,500 square miles (3,880 sq km) centered around the New York Harbor. Under this jurisdiction it benefits from a very broad governance mandate where it can undertake any project concerning any transport mode as long as it would promote commerce, trade and public good. To finance its activities the PANYNJ can issue bonds, charge user fees and collect rent. Concerning its mandate and the governance structure it has established, the PANYNJ cannot be considered solely from a port and maritime transportation perspective, as it has vested interests over of non-maritime activities.

The following list underlines the extent and diversity of facilities managed by the PANYNJ. They include:

Since its inception, the PANYNJ continuously expanded its assets. Doing so, it provided New York with an extensive array of terminals handling freight and passengers. New York could not have become a global city without the transshipment and distribution capabilities provided by these projects. The PANYNJ has grown along considerably and exercises a sizeable influence over the city’s transport system with 7,200 employees, an annual budget of $4.6 billion and a cumulative infrastructure investment of $35 billion.

Copyright © 1998-2008, Dr. Jean-Paul Rodrigue, Dept. of Economics & Geography, Hofstra University. For personal or classroom use ONLY. This material (including graphics) is not public domain and cannot be published, in whole or in part, in ANY form (printed or electronic) and on any media without consent. Permission MUST be requested prior to use.

12/30/07